Since Senate Speaker Ramsey—the first Republican to hold the office of Lt. Gov. since Reconstruction—assumed control of the state legislature's upper chamber last year, the mindset of that group has become decidedly pro-business in bent. He's seen to it that both Finance and Commerce committees have the needed pro-business votes on any given bill.

Ramsey is, however, working with a paper-thin majority, which has complicated his efforts to lead. He doesn't have the leverage needed yet to force the Democratic-controlled House and Democratic Gov. Phil Bredesen to play ball on his low tax agenda. Despite that slim majority, Ramsey has nevertheless been a key watchdog for business, for instance in holding on to the gains made in workers' compensation reform a few years back. (There are constant threats.)

Though he appears on this list of best lawmakers for business for a second time, Ramsey and his Senate Republican majority has hiccuped on a pro-business agenda from time to time stemming mainly from their conservative stances on social issues. For instance, though a preponderance of business interests (not to mention Republican President George W. Bush) believe Pre-K expansion is key to improving educational performance and, eventually, workforce development, Senate Republicans in Tennessee view the program as an unnecessary substitute for a mother's care, and argue it has shown no proven results. Ramsey has fought the governor's Pre-K expansion plans, citing concern for runaway spending in a tight budget year.

House Speaker Naifeh has been instrumental in passing the governor's legislative and budget packages through three successive pro-business occupants of the office—McWherter, Sundquist and Bredesen. As the longest serving Speaker of the House in Tennessee history, every significant pro-business piece of legislation that has passed in nearly two decades has had his fingerprints on it. No doubt his greatest contribution has been to appoint pro-business House members to Finance and Commerce Committee leadership posts, thus insuring that the business community has a major voice in what happens to legislation on the Hill.

Hot-tempered and imperfect but principled and loyal to friends and allies, Naifeh's support and arm-twisting usually provides the momentum that gets it done when it comes time to get something done. When in 2007 he got behind the 42-cent cigarette tax (40 cents for education), which was against all of his prior stands on tobacco, its passage became a foregone conclusion. Though a blow to the tobacco industry and to retailers, including his own family, West Tennessee's first family of grocers, the cigarette tax was largely supported by the business lobby as a key means to addressing the state's workforce development needs. On workers' comp reform, Naifeh almost literally held the committees hostage in his office until the matter was settled. Another little-remembered Naifeh business-friendly action? In the 2006 ethics special session, his insistence that whatever passed not negatively impact the state's economic development efforts led to corresponding exceptions in the code.

Clearly, Tennessee has two very pro-business Speakers. Thus, the tone is set for the General Assembly. With few exceptions, such as the trial lawyers' success in defeating tort reform, the pro-business attitude of the two Speakers carries the day.

Don't be fooled. Curtiss' deceptively shrewd, "aw-shucks" style belies razor-sharp mental acumen. The pragmatic and common sense-oriented Curtiss is probably the most capable pro-business legislator on the Hill due to his tenure, reputation and party affiliation.

It's no wonder that Curtiss, the House Commerce Chairman, was chosen to carry the AT&T statewide video franchise legislation in 2007. AT&T has wanted legislation granting it a statewide franchise to offer video services without having to negotiate individually with the hundreds of cities and counties across Tennessee as long required. Those counties and cities, in concert with the cable TV industry, have fought the plan. Caught up in the middle of that controversial fight, and soon exhausted with both sides, Curtiss got rightfully frustrated and developed his own compromise bill that to some degree had both sides up in arms. The bill that eventually emerged borrowed heavily from Curtiss' own effort.

There's a saying in lawmaking that if you end up with a bill that makes both sides unhappy, you have probably done the right thing. No wonder this is the second time Curtiss has been named to this list.

As chair of the ultra-powerful House Finance Committee, Fitzhugh is extremely important to business. Every piece of legislation considered on Capitol Hill comes out of Finance. It's one of the most important jobs up there. As such, Fitzhugh shapes legislation even if he doesn't have his name on the bill.

A banker by trade, Fitzhugh brings a banker's common sense approach to budgeting. Smart and unflappable, Fitzhugh for instance tows a hard line on the "zero sweeper"—a legislative rule that typically places bills with fiscal notes "behind the budget" during tight times.

Fitzhugh is a quiet leader, but if you need something done, he can get it through. He was the first to express to the governor a desire for accountability reforms and higher K-12 standards and requirements in Tennessee, a seismic shift in the state's public education system that recently took root and has the potential to positively alter the state's education and workforce development landscape. He's also carrying water on a workers' comp bill alleviating businesses of liability when a worker gets hurt in on-site fitness centers or if telecommuters get injured while working out at home. Not doing so would endanger employee wellness programs across the state.

Chair of the Senate Education Committee, Woodson has served as the prime sponsor of charter school legislation—a key pro-market issue—since her House days. She stood for two hours on the floor of the Senate in 2005 explaining, defending, and ultimately passing the last major bill for charter schools. (Others also deserve credit on charters, among them Lois DeBerry.) Woodson is the prime sponsor of the charter schools bill this year, an important time since the current statute sunsets this year unless her bill passes. Woodson's bill would also open enrollment to all students who qualify for free and reduced price lunches, a needed change. (Currently, students must be failing students or from a failing school to enroll in one of Tennessee's few charter schools.)

Woodson also helped lead the charge for reform to the Basic Education Plan or BEP last year, providing more equitable funding to urban school districts. In her powerful education role she has also been very protective of lottery proceeds, which everyone has an idea about how to spend. Her leeriness of such proposals is good stewardship.

As a Knoxville representative, Woodson must be a champion for the University of Tennessee. It's all the more reason to be impressed with her balance on the issue of for-profit colleges in the state. The state legislature is currently eyeing greater regulation of such schools, businesses that are important to Tennessee's workforce. Woodson has been a fair-minded arbiter, working to stave off over-regulation.

Ketron's name is soon mentioned when a Capitol Hill observer is asked about business-friendly lawmakers. But he is by no means a lock down vote for business. His campaign demagoguing of the immigration issue was dangerous, though the legislation he spearheaded in Tennessee is superior to that of other states. Make no mistake, however, the general business community views the immigration issue—a key workforce factor—as a federal issue and has urged state legislatures not to pass a nightmarish patchwork of state laws. Ketron more recently made the liquor lobby (and the hundreds of mom-and-pop liquor store owners across Tennessee) unhappy when he signed on as sponsor of a bill that would allow wine sales in grocery stores in Tennessee. It's more evidence that Ketron will sponsor items he believes to be worthy of discussion even if he doesn't vote in favor of them in the end. To his credit, he's certainly one who believes the more input you get, the clearer the water will become.